Eastside of HAMP Atlantis Be Moor number 4
Author's Preface
In the last several years from many corners of the New Afrikan Independence Movement, there has been a clarion call for the building of the Front for the Liberation of the New Afrikan Nation. A revolutionary nationalist front to establish a movement for national independence, to free the national territory of Kush from the colonial (U.S.A.) government. This call has mostly come from BLA-POWs and their supporters who recognize the need to resurrect a militant resistance to continued national oppression, identifying the basis of our peoples' colonial subjugation as part of the antiimperialist struggle being waged by Third World peoples in many parts of the world. of course, this means we have to once again develop a militant political organization that will challenge U.S. colonialism and organize New Afrikans to offensively pursue the ultimate objective of national independence. This task has to be greater than a survival program pending revolution: as all survival programs are in essence defensive in posture, based on the ideal to survive is to defend against attacks, but survival programs do not forge a movement, only sustain an existence.
Therefore, to build Frolinan is to push forward the quest of national emancipation, as Frolinan's national strategy is not based simply on survival pending revolution, but rather, building the revolution to survive. This position on survival is not relegated to a defensive posture, but develops an offensive Program for Decolonization, establishing a revolutionary theory and program to militantly fight for national independence.
I have taken the initiative to write this proposal and treaty for our numbers and revolutionary nationalist to build upon, for us to unite our forces under a single program and national strategy. Since. the destruction of the Black Panther Party, our movement has fallen in the hands of passive resisters, losing its vitality, momentum, and revolutionary fervor. It is now necessary to rekindle the spirit of militant resistance and rebuild our revolutionary movement. Build Frolinan, our revolutionary nationalist front, comprising the needed national organizations and programs that will assure not only our survival, but also, our inevitable victory in establishing the Republic of New Afrika in the western hemisphere.
This document is presented for revolutionary nationaliit to discuss and seek the means and methods to create conditions to manifest the National Strategy of Frolinan. Of course, this is my conception of what needs to be done based on varied discussions amongst Comrades, and basic analysis of the general situation of opportunism, liberalism, and sectarianism effecting our overall struggle. Therefore, this document is not all conclusive or inclusive of our needs in struggle; rather, it seeks to forge the basis to establish a durable foundation by which we may unite our talents and resources to build Frolinan. Hence, this document is offered as a pivot to create the needed center of gravity from which we can rally our forces, and move forward in unity and struggle.
Based on the foregoing, I'm requesting of those receiving this document and who are able, to make copies and redistribute to those you believe might be interested in building Frolinan. Furthermore, I'm requesting all authentic revolutionary nationalist to do the following upon review of this document:
1. Submit proposals to strengthen the basis to build Frolinan, ie., organizational structure, ideological format, political programs, etc.;
2. Establish a Frolinan organizing-cadre to build one of the Programs of Decolonization in your area, adopting Frolinan's National Strategy;
3. Discuss this document with others, and contribute financially, materially and personally to the National Strategy of Frolinan.
In the near future, an effort will be made to organize a national congress/conference of revolutionary nationalists who have expressed an interest and commitment to build Frolinan and support a particular aspect of the Program for Decolonization, to come together, and develop this revolutionary nationalist front.
To contribute to this cause and become a front member of Frolinan, write to:
FROLINAN
Front for the Liberation of the
New Afrikan Nation
P.O. Box 16082
Oakland, California 94610
"Theory and Practice to Break the Chains of National Oppression."
Introductory Note
Frolinan is initially a cadre-organization of New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist, whose primary objective is to evolve an united strategy and direction amongst the many New Afrikan nationalist formations. This objective is to further enjoin New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist to accept a position within the front, to develop greater principled unity of action in the New Afrikan Independence Movement (NAIM), in accordance with the National Strategy of Frolinan.
There are many progressive and revolutionary organizations/parties/fronts in the NAIM of local, regional and national significance. Frolinan recognizes each organization/party/front has a specific and general role in the NAIM, but it is our faith, this role must be formulated in unity and struggle amongst our oppressed Now Afrikan masses under the guidance of a single national strategy and program. We believe that with the tactical implementation of a national strategy, which embraces the specific and general cause of NAIM in theory and practice, the various organization/parties/fronts will greatly enhance the overall development of the Now Afrikan Independence Movement.
Frolinan is characterized as a revolutionary nationalist front, recognizing the human and inalienable rights of New Afrikans to be free from racist colonialism, genocide, and imperialist national oppression/ exploitation. That New Afrikan "human rights', encompass the right to be self-governed and independent of the U.S. colonial government, thus, national rights in accordance to international law and politics.
The prerequisite for becoming a member of Frolinan are as follows:
1. Recognition of the existence of the New Afrikan Nation as an oppressed nation within the colonial government of the United States of America in the Western Hemisphere;
2. That the Republic of New Af rika is the name and government of the New Afrikan Nation, a government in exile, struggling for the liberation of the National Territory of Kush;
3. Acceptance of the New Afrikan Declaration of Independence, Creed and Code of Umoja;
4. Recognize and support the New Afrikan People Liberation Army (NAPLA) as the armed front of the New Afrikan Nation;
5. Support and work to manifest the National Strategy of Frolinan as the legitimate representative of New Afrikan Independence Movement, and work to support all groups in alliance to Frolinan;
6. Must be anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, antiracist/fascist, pro-national independence, willing to participate in the class and national liberation struggle for land (Kush) and social-democracy;
7. Believe and have faith in the creative ingenuity, spiritual quality, and humanity of our New Afrikan people, and the historical, cultural, socioeconomic, and political productivity of our struggle for national independence.
Frolinan National Strategy is based on the Three Phase Theory for National Independence, it is our faith, this revolutionary theory is the criteria which our revolutionary movement is to be organized. Frolinan's National Strategy is exemplified in our Ten point Platform, Theory, organizational Program for Decolonization, Strategy and Practice will serve to manifest in reality the Ten Point Platform, a program accepted in principle by all members of Frolinan.
We anticipate and work toward Frolinan to develop into a massbased revolutionary nationalist front, comprising national organizations and groups, to organize and mobilize our oppressed New Afrikan people for our inevitable independence.
HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW
We accept all aspects of our history from the beginning of civilization an the Afrikan continent, to the present stages of technological development of Afrikan nation-states, and the continued struggle of Afrikan people throughout the world against tyranny and imperialist oppression.
With this conception of history, we view the material basis in which history evolved to its present and ongoing developing modes of history; as Afrikan people relate and interrelate with one another, other people of color is the Third World, and the European races. This understanding and materialist outlook of history, notes that dialectically, our present condition and struggle is based on our past experiences in a continuing development of an Afrikan history. The New Afrikan experience in America is not separate from the Afrikan experience on the continent, rather, they are linked in a chain of events which imposes socioeconomic, political and historical realities encompassing the criteria by which New Afrikan struggle for independence must be developed.
We call ourselves New Afrikan because of the degree of force breeding and miscegenation we as a people have suffered, as well ad cultural imperialism the psychological plunder and rape of our affinity to Afrika - stripping away our Afrikan language, art and world,outlook, and national oppression, which in our efforts to combat have created a national heritage rich in resistance based on two ideals of integration and/or separation. These experiences which left us stripped of our Afrikanist perspective despite miscegenation and cultural imperialism, encompassing those experiences into an Afrikan national heritage in diaspora, creating the New Afrikan Independence Movement.
This conception of history in a dialectical materialist perspective provides the means to formulate a program and strategy to conquer racist oppression and national subjugation, utilizing, the truth of our entire history as a guide to enlighten our practice. For instance, in terms of a (foreign) policy of Afrikan intercommunalism with our people on the Afrikan continent, it is essential to know what our relationship had been in history -providing a substantial foundation to develop principled relations today... For New Afrikans, it is important to know that slavery did not begin as an American phenomenon, but rather, American chattel slavery of Afrikans is a direct outgrowth of Afrikans enslaving Afrikans on the Afrikan continent. Many of our ancestors had been enslaved by Afrikans due to internecine struggles, border wars of territorial imperative- amongst tribes and wars of aggression between Afrikan nation-states. The prisoner of wars, and/or because of denture, were placed in bondage, and often sold or traded. When the Europeans (Portuguese, Dutch, Spanish, British, etc.) made contact with Northern and Western coastal areas of Afrika, they not only raided villages and kidnapped Afrikans, but more often and productively (numerically) brought already enslaved Afrikans from Afrikan chieftains and traders. Hence, for the most part, our existence in the Western hemisphere is as much a consequence of Afrikan history as it is of European history.
Thus, as we conceive ourselves in history, we must place responsibility of our condition in context to the actual historical development leading to our present situation. In this regards, we don't. expect assistance from our Afrikan brothers nations simply because we are of one people -- only separated by distance -- but because history demand recompense for a people (New Afrikans) whose existence and suffering is based on our unfortunate relation in the history of slavery mutual to us all, and the commonality of our fight against mutual enemy -- imperialism. This same conception and relation to history is binding on any relationship established with other past enslaver, such as the Dutch, Portuguese, British, Spanish, etc.
As we struggle against continued U.S. colonization, New Afrikans must have a determined sense of history in regard to the New Afrikan Nation relationship to the world. Without this common national consciousness and perception of our existence, based on history, our practice will continue to be confused and chaotic, without historical continuity which serves to give practical guidance on the road to independence. As an oppressed nation, we have a rich history of resistance to bondage; revolts on slave ships during the middle passage; revolts and rebellions for hundreds of years on slave plantations; fighting for freedom in the War of Independence, War of 1812, and Civil War; and fighting in the U.S. Army in the name of U.S. democracy (hypocrisy) can also be considered part of the national determination to be free.
We, preserve four epochs in our history as indicative of our struggle to be free of U.S. national subjugation and colonial domination. After the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 and the 13th Amendment in 1865, and the Civil War having ended barbaric chattel slavery; the 14th Amendment stripped Afrikans in America of their land (provided by Field Order No. 115) imposed American citizenship on these Afrikan nationals, this country entered a period defined as reconstruction and the industrial revolution. This was a period when the slavocracy gave birth to mercantile capitalism; the gross surplus of such commodities as cotton, tobacco, sugar, etc., produced from slave labor in the South, provided economic-textile-industrial growth and development in Northern States. Reconstruction found millions of New Afrikans either re-enslaved by the vestiges of the Black Code-Law to sharecropping, unemployment, and landless, or migrating North in search of educational and employment opportunities. But the HayesTilden agreement restored racist national oppression and colonial domination prevailed with terrorist KuKluxKlan raids, race riots (white against Blacks), mob violence, lynching of New Afrikans in the North and South.
In 1905, the Niagara Movement was consummated, we recognized the Niagara Movement as a significant epoch in our continued struggle for independence. The Niagara Movement was not the first time New Afrikans organized themselves, as there had been many abolitionist groups comprising "freedman" of Afrikan descent. But the Niagara Movement marks a stage in which, under the leadership of W.E.B. DuBois, they developed a concept and an organization which prevails today. The concept of integration was comprehensively evolved during the Niagara Movement by DuBois, and is adamantly held today by the NAACP, which came into existence out of the Niagara Movement in 1910, with DuBois as a founding member and incorporator. It was DuBois who forged the conceptual appeal of Pan-Afrikanism during this time; while the NAACP up until 1940 had campaigned for anti-lynch legislation, and from 1950 to present campaigned for desegregation, integration and civil rights.
The second epoch of historical importance was the 1920 Marcus Garvey "Back to Afrika" Movement. This movement which has yet to be surpassed, appealed to and organized millions of New Afrikans, and established national pride and dignity directly associated to the Afrikan continent. Although the Back to Afrika movement only lasted until 1925, when viewed in juxtaposition in historical continuity to the Niagara Movement and Pan Afrikanist ideas developing at the time, the thread of struggle and our peoples' conscious determination to be free of colonial domination becomes very significant.
The third epoch is divided into two distinct and interdependent parts as they actualized the first and second epochs in character and content. The Elijah Muhammad Nation of Islam movement which came-into existence in the 19409, but had not come into national prominence until the 19609, developed many of the separatist ideals held by Marcus Garvey movement; it generally appealed to those who had been adherents of the separatist movement of Marcus Garvey. In the 1960s, Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik Shabazz) brought the Nation of Islam separatist movement into national attention, recruitment reported to be approximately 1 million "Black Muslims" by some estimates. Elijah Muhammad called for the separation of Blacks (New Afrikans) into a government of their own in the South Black Belt, basing his program on mystified interpretation of Islam and Black "self-help" economics (the principle now adopted as Black capitalism) ... During this same epoch, in 1955, the so-called civil rights movement was launched, with Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. as its primary leader and spokeperson. Given the political character and objective of Martin L. King, Jr.'s movement, it ushered the line and principle of struggle first established in the Niagara Movement. The principle organizations of this course of struggle were SCLC, NAACP, Urban League, CORE and SNCC all working in an united front strategy for desegregation, integration and civil rights. Politically, this movement could actually be defined as a negro-bourgeoisie democratic revolution. It attacked and did battle with the essential foundation and cornerstone of colonial domination of New Afrikans in America - racism and national oppression. The civil rights movement sought the. fruition of democratic civil -rights guaranteed to white to be equally administrated to Black people It was a nationally organized movement, which put in motion masses of people in freedom-rides, sit-ins and marches, which precipitated the eventful call for "Black Power". nationalist political consciousness, resulting in riots and rebellions across the country.
The dialectical (unity and struggle of opposites) relationship between the Elijah Muhammad separatist and Martin L. King, Jr. integrationist movement, preserved in historical continuity the ideals of both the Marcus Garvey separatist and W.E.B. DuBois integrationist movements, forging the course of struggle towards a synthesis of ideals first espoused with the cry and birth pains of "Black Power".
The fourth epoch, an outgrowth of the proceeding era adopted the synthetic conception of Black Power, uniting the symbolic determination of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party and Malcolm X Black Nationalist ideas in the Black Panther Party. The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was established in 1966 and in 1967 Black Panthers captured national attention by entering the California State Capital hearing-on gun control, carrying rifles and shotguns, calling for community control of police, selfdefense, and Black political power. Even through, during this period, there had been other Black nationalist groups and formations (ie., RNA, JOMO, Deacons for Defense and Justice, RAM, APP, etc.) that evolved out of the negro-bourgeois-democratic revolution, none made such an indelible historic impression on the developing struggle like the Black Panther Party. From its inception, the BPP had considered the necessity for armed struggle to wrestle Black power from the U.S.' white power structure. The BPP developed the Black underground which evolved into the Black Liberation Army - a clandestine network of armed urban guerrillas. It had been the BPP that first raised the concept of class struggle, introducing and infusing the ideology of Marxist- Leninist-Mao Tse Tung thought with the Black nationalist ideas of Malcolm X in accordance to the concrete realities of the struggle taking shape in Black (New Afrikan) ghettos/communities across the country. With its Ten Point Platform and Program the BPP attempted to manifest Black political power on the basis of community control as a tactical objective toward the strategic goal of total independence.
By 1976, the colonial government (U.S.A.) had directed its attention and counter-intelligence program (COINTELPRO) on the BPP/BLA and other nationalist formations as the RNA. This counter revolutionary action by the government was implemented with the intent to discredit, disrupt and destroy the BPP, with murderous raids, infiltration and provocation. In a four year battle with the police, by 1971, the BPP had been significantly subverted on a national level, whereupon, by 1973, the BPP was in all actuality defunct. This inevitably lead to the defeat and decimation of the BLA as a fighting clandestine urban guerrilla network.
It is these four epochs in the continuing struggle of New for political power and independence that are of great significance. They had the greatest influence and impact on New Afrikans nationally in juxtaposition to our relationship to the enemy colonial (U.S.A.) government. We accept these four epochs as the foundation in which current and future development in the New Afrikan Independence Movement will be objectively molded, shaped and forged to victory.
History shows us that there's two basic and distinct lines and influences in the New Afrikan peoples I struggle f or political power and self-determination. Our oppressed people have fought for integration and civil rights, and we've fought for separation and human rights. It is these two directions that characterize any real differences in our peoples' aspiration to be free of racist colonial domination. Furthermore, it will be integration verses separation that will be a determinative aspect for the building of national unity amongst New Afrikans to engage the colonial (U.S.A.) government for political power and self-determination in the future. This understanding of history and the ideologicalpolitical forces that have shaped our struggle, provides conscious and deliberate activity to combat national oppression and colonialism, with the continuity of preserving history and the mode of struggle toward separation. We of Frolinan must take a stand on the side of separation, and in so doing, give recognition to those forces who are currently making history in building the independence movement. We recognize the organization of the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika for its contribution, but not necessarily to subordinate ourselves to its current strategy and program in the movement. We therefore reserve the right to formulate a revolutionary theory, strategy, and program to educate, organize and mobilize New Afrikans toward national emancipation, and unite our strategy and program of action with other New Afrikan revolutionary forces who are also fighting for separation and independence, not excluding the present Republic of New Afrika - Provisional Government.
Frolinan recognizes and understands the history of resistance our oppressed nation has fought in both the integrationist and separatist movements. But because we believe in our inalienable human rights, as a nation of people, to be self-governed; and because we are anti-capitalist-imperialist, we find no practical basis - in accordance to our history - to integrate in this colonial (U.S.A.) government. Therefore, we will concentrate our energies in preserving our nation peoples' history to separate, to establish an independent self-governed socioeconomic, political and cultural-sovereign nation in the Western Hemisphere.
A REVOLUTIONARY CLASS PERSPECTIVE
In Refutation of Black Capitalism:
Since the advent of the government sponsored Economic opportunity Commission, and the various poverty programs instituted as a result of the Black insurrections during the 1960s, the quest for Black capitalism as an integral part of the freedom struggle surged as the political, socioeconomic alternative to white capitalism and exploitation - and established an unique obstacle before the New Afrikan revolution. By 1970, the U.S. government managed to consolidate a national bourgeoisie neo-colonial class comprising Black businessmen, civil rights leaders and elected officials. In the process of this development, evolved a Black middle class whose political alliance remained with the oppressed Black masses, and recognized a political responsibility that in essence contradicts the economic realities of Black capitalism, they now find themselves at lost to the real ideals, program, and objectives of the Black struggle. While the national bourgeoisie aspires integration and assimilation into the mainstream 'of monopoly-capitalism, the Black middle class-petty bourgeoisie are split in their sociopolitical aspirations; although economically, the Black middle class can't afford to negate their tie to the system of national oppression without forfeiting material advantage and livelihood. But as the crisis of monopoly-capitalism worsens (inflation/recession), the existence of the Black middle class is threatened, as the national bourgeoisie intensifies their integrationist program on the deaf ear of the U.S. conservatism. The overall roll-back of affirmative action and economic programs that served the needs of the Black masses during the late 60s and throughout the 70s, provides the basis in which the New Afrikan (Black) revolution will be mounted; the socioeconomic contradiction between the owners of the means of production (ruling class imperialist) and the laborers (managers and manual labor) becoming antagonistic - the principle ideal of Black capitalism in juxtaposition in capitalist-imperialism is refuted.
From a New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist analysis of the developing struggle, dialectical historical materialism must be the basis in which such an analysis serves to manifest an ideology, theory and political program that will strengthen the socioeconomic and political determination of the New Afrikan Independence Movement. In this way, the New Afrikan revolution will not become short-sighted and bend to reformist concessions the national bourgeoisie neo-colonialist - in behalf of their class interest and the interest of colonialism - may throw in the path of the revolution via the Black middle class-petty bourgeoisie and working class. Hence, this New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist analysis must be a class analysis of national significance. It then becomes first to identify the classes of neo-colonial oppression; the national Black bourgeoisie, neo-colonialists are identified as those business people/ corporations such as Johnson Publication and Products, Motown music/movie industry, etc. whose economic policy in class collaboration and collusion with monopoly-capitalism serves as. financiers to political entities/ individuals who espouse the neo-colonialist dictates of integration and assimilation; those sociopolitical personages of the national bourgeoisie are identified as the Rev. Jesse Jackson, Rev. Joseph Lowery, Rev. Benjamin Hooks, Rev. Leon Sullivan, Ron Brown, Reginald Lewis, Percy Sutton, Coretta S. King, Dorothy Haight, Eleanor Holmes Norton, and other such national neo-colonist representatives.
These individuals and organizations maintain direct ties to the colonial (U.S.A.) government in their relationship to the oppressed neo-colony, and espouse the sociopolitical illusion of integration-assimilation and non-violent struggle for Black survival in racist-imperialist America. They are the bulwark of neo-colonialist leaders who serve the colonial government by institutionalizing the concept of gradualism, reformism, and Black capitalism as the socioeconomic policy for political struggle by the oppressed New Afrikan masses. Their entire program is based on acculturation, assimilation , and integration on a monopolycapitalist platform. Such a program, has influenced the established Black middle class-petty bourgeoisie skilled laborers in their efforts to gain material wealth and status in the colonial system of oppression. In many cases, the petty bourgeoisie comes face to face with racist institutions and standards (ie., housing, employment, promotions, etc.) that cause them to reconsider sociopolitically the aspects in which acculturation, integration and assimilation are realistic. But because of their socioeconomic ties to the system of oppression, they aren't totally able or willing to sever their relationship and join the oppressed New Afrikan masses in the national independence movement. Hence, the Black (upper) middle class attempts to employ a cultural identity to the development of Black capitalism, which is progressive in form and reactionary in content. This bourgeois cultural nationalism has evoked socioeconomically an exploitative relationship to the oppressed neo-colony by developing Black business, employment, etc., in the Black community but taking the profit out of the community -- while politically they espouse Black community self-control in which Black capitalists and politicians will overwhelmingly benefit. Their most recent scheme to enhance this development is the building of a National Black Independent Political Party.
The question of a National Black Independent Political Party as elucidated by the Black bourgeoisie cultural nationalist (upper and middle class) would consolidate in a program for independent Black capitalism and conformity to white capitalism/imperialism, thus a neo-colonial relationship to colonial (U.S.A.) rulers. The political determination of the National Black Independent Political Party as developed by the National Black Political Assembly, would seek to compete with the Democratic and Republican Party(s), running Black politicians for various local (mayoral, governor), regional (congress, senate), and national (president) offices and fight for federal funds, laws and policy in response to the needs of the New Afrikan neo-colony, and/or against U.S. foreign policy to Afrika. Whereupon, the need for such a National Black Independent Political Party is real, the Political goal and direction of this party can not be based on the development of Black capitalism nor hold to a concept of co-existence to imperialism. The Black middle class petty bourgeoisie cultural nationalist, economic and political aspiration as currently forged is progressive in form by collecting and consolidating our talented, educated and skilled Black people in a national formation to supposedly represent the interests of the oppressed New Afrikan masses; and reactionary in content by developing Black capitalism intricately tied to U.S. monopoly-capitalism. it is illusionary, as it would not evolve independent of U.S. monopoly-capitalism, since Black capitalism would rely on capitalist imperialism for its own growth and development, strengthening a neo-colonial relationship to the oppressed New Afrikan masses of whom are a colonized nation. Hence, Black capitalism perpetuates class exploitation of New Afrikans, and neo-colonial subjugation to U.S. imperialism.
It can thereby be determined, the Black middle class petty bourgeoisie cultural nationalist can be allied to the New Afrikan working class upon realizing Black capitalism is a tool of the colonial ruling class oppressors, utilized by their neo-colonialist agents - the national Black bourgeoisie. Furthermore, where Black capitalism is tied to monopoly-capitalism and imperialism, its existence and development is based on the existence and development of imperialism, and imperialism is based on colonial domination of oppressed people-nations. Thus, socioeconomic and politically Black capitalism is a neo-colonialist institution demanding continued Black exploitation and colonial oppression domestically and U.S. imperialist expansion in the Third World.
THREE PHASE THEORY FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE:
With a full understanding of our history in relationship to the colonial (U.S.A.) government and its economic system of monopoly-capitalism and imperialism, we are then able to develop a practical theory to formulate a decisive working strategy by which to educate, organize and mobilize our oppressed New Afrikan Nation for complete sovereignty and independence. It is important that recognition is given to our task for a social, political, economic and cultural perspective. That we totally commit ourselves to an arduous struggle for national emancipation and liberation, allowing absolutely nothing from preventing our success and freedom from racist colonial and neo-colonial subjugation.
Our Three Phase Theory for National Independence is based on the historical manifestation of our national oppression in racist capitalist America. This theory negates nothing from our history although it establishes its pragmatic foundation on prevailing conditions, and moves from these conditions, building conceptual understanding of how our practice must conform to given realities, if we are to be free. The Three Phase Theory for National Independence is based on the principles of dialectical materialism, determining the need of both class and national struggle.
1) We recognize we are a subjugated and oppressed colonized nation in the imperialist government of the United States of America;
2) That racist national oppression and monopoly-capitalism are the two all pervasive means in which U.S. imperialism maintains a colonial strangle-hold on the New Afrikan Nation, with miscegenation, acculturation, assimilation, individualism, sexism and competition being the character of control and our superexploitation;
3) Our colonial condition is re-enforced by the institutionalization of class-divisions and neo-colonial control by members of the New Afrikan Nation;
4) That the New Afrikan Nation is entitled to restitutionreparation from the U.S. government for four (4) centuries of colonial domination, including, monetary compensation, land, machinery (industrial and technological), and military equipment to establish our sovereignty and security to defend against future aggression;
5) As an oppressed nation of colonized people, we are th third largest nation of Afrikan people in the western hemisphere. We have a population of 30+ million with a purchasing power of $250 to $350 billion dollars and must be afforded international recognition and status in both United Nations and Organization of Afrikan Unity.
FIRST PHASE - Class Struggle for National Unity:
It is first important to identify the various classes in which national unity is to be brought. We recognize the fact that the New Afrikan people are a colonized nation in the United States. We also recognize that New Afrikans' colonization is one of the race and class oppression. The division of oppression between Euro Americans and New Afrikans is buffeted by a system of neo colonization established and maintained by members of the New Afrikan Nation who are in essence neo-colonialist agents of the oppressor nation government.
These neo-colonialist are the National Bourgeoisie of the oppressed New Afrikan Nation. The national bourgeoisie are Black politicians and business people (capitalist) who are integrationist and assimilationist, they aspire (by policy making in organizations) to have the oppressed New Afrikan people to integrate and assimilate into the government of oppression. This ideal, as it has been historically manifested, is in essence an illusion in which it is the national bourgeoisie who benefits, with token concessions from the colonial government, rewarded for their efforts to maintain order and control of the New Afrikan people. The national bourgeoisie are identified as leaders of the NAACP, PUSH, National Urban League, Congressional Black Caucus, Johnson Products, Motown, etc. All of them work in the interests of the colonial government and in the own interests, aspiring integration and assimilation into this system of capitalist imperialism; and by seeking to stifle the militant struggle of the oppressed New Afrikan people for independence.
The political wing of the national bourgeoisie is financed by Black capitalist and liberal white institutions (ie., foundations) and corporate groups. Essentially they epitomize by the structure of -the colonial government to represent the interests of New Afrikan people. They attempt to persuade New Afrikans what is in their interest to struggle for or against in relation to the policies of the colonial government. Their policy and interests are that of neo-colonial capitalist and integrationist in relation to the oppressed New Afrikan Nation.
Under the national bourgeoisie are the petty bourgeoisie (cultural nationalist) middle class. These are the skilled Black professionals and marginal/small business people which can be divided into two segments in a sociopsychological conception, but are equally Black capitalist. on the one hand there are the assimilationist and integrationist who are in every way like the national bourgeoisie, and on the other hand are the cultural nationalist. The middle class cultural nationalist attempts to maintain a Black social consciousness in terms of identifying with the New Afrikan oppressed masses, but because they are in essence capitalist, their aspirations as pseudo-nationalist is forsaken. They are economically and materially tied to the system of oppression and these ties are manifested politically as they tend to support and enhance the prospects of neo-colonialism, ensuring Blacks are the representatives of Blacks, who are the representatives of the colonial (U.S.A.) government. As an example, they seek to establish an independent Black political party to compete with other capitalist (ruling class) political institutions. They work to broaden and secure their class and national interest, working within the legitimate confines and avenues the colonial government allows for a given class or national to address their problems and seek redress to disenfranchisement and aspects of colonial subjugation. I Hence, they are in actuality social and political reformist, utilizing the oppression of the New Arrikan masses as stepping-stones to assure their own security and survival as capitalists. They also support upward mobility of other aspiring Black capitalists from the lower classes, building and strengthening their class status in competition with white middle and upper class capitalists. They are the bulwark supporters of the national bourgeoisie, even though as social reformers, potentially, they are capable of developing national Black social consciousness to motivate and influence the New Afrikan peoples' struggle for the end of colonial oppression, if they were to confront the colonial government for national emancipation and independence.
The majority of New Afrikans are of the lower class - workers and laborers - the proletariat class. They are the semi-skilled and manual laborers, the office and factory workers, etc., whose standard of living is just above or at poverty level, many of whom subsist on a combination of work, welfare (medical aid, social security or veterans benefits, etc.) and hustling. The Black proletariat suffers the brunt of the socioeconomic oppression of capitalist exploitation and are most politically disenfranchised by the system of colonial domination. In juxtaposition to neocolonial class divisions within the New Afrikan Nation, the capitalist system employs racist national oppression as the primary mechanism to keep the aspirations of the Black proletariat in check. This racist national oppression is found in every vestige of the Black proletariat existence, in housing, employment, health, and social institutions. The colonial government maintains the policies and regulates when and how such living means are to be dispensed in the New Afrikan community and/or to the benefit of the Black proletariat. Racist national oppression and class divisions, serves to trap the Black proletariat in a socioeconomic condition and-level of subsistence where poverty is always close at hand. But, sociopolitically, the Black proletariat aspires an end to colonial domination and racist oppression, and not for such conditions to be covered up in Black face. They are not in essence capitalist, but rather, recognize they live in a capitalist society, and thereby must live in accordance to the norms by which a livelihood can be maintained. When such conditions of oppression become unbearable, the Black proletariat and youth are more likely to rebel (riots, strikes, boycotts, etc.) and demonstrate their frustration and anger to continued exploitation and racism.
Beneath the Black working class are the subculture, lumpen-proletariat, the unskilled and menial laborers whose primary means of subsistence is based on hustling (selling drugs, thievery, prostitution, etc.), marginal employment and welfare. For the most part, the socioeconomic provisions within the subculture are maintained by the "illegitimate capitalist" activity of the lumpen-proletariat. In accordance to their aspirations to fulfill the social values of the bourgeoisie, they employ business acumen in criminal activity for subsistence and profit. As they seek material wealth and social status of the bourgeoisie within the confines of the subculture, they are in many cases politically reactionary, unconcerned with nothing other than personal survival and individual gain. It is only when the lumpen-proletariat are educated and become politically aware of their socioeconomic condition, does the possibility exist for them to become staunch supporters of the revolution, recognizing their dire standard of living is based wholly on the system of oppression they are desperately trying to emulate.
This brief description of the class break-down of the oppressed New Afrikan Nation provides some indication as to why it is so difficult for the oppressed Black masses to challenge the government of oppression in unity and struggle. This also determines why the first phase of Frolinan theoretical position is one in which struggle must commence within the class divisions of the neo-colony, before New Afrikans can adequately challenge the colonial government with a degree of strength and fortitude, and cause the enemy government to bend to the will of the New Afrikan Nation for complete independence and sovereignty.
By comprehending the class divisions within the neo-colony, we find the particularity of the principle contradiction that exists between the neo-colony and the colonial government with its national and international ramifications. Essentially, the particularity of the contradiction is one between the direction. of the liberation movement; is it for integration or separation from this capitalist-imperialist system of oppression? It is this contradiction within the movement that determines the necessity for class struggle within the New Afrikan Nation; such a struggle to evolve national unity towards a single and principle revolutionary program and strategy to confront the colonial government. The contradiction as it presently exists, between the forces of integration and the f orces for separation, is one in which each are building ideological, political programs and direction within the objective reality of the fight for civil and human rights. At this point, the contradiction is not antagonistic, but rather one of coexistence and in some cases mutual cohesion and accountability. It is this aspect of mutual accountability, if continued in unprincipled class collaboration, that will prevent the forces for separation to build and sustain a revolutionary movement for complete independence.
Thus, class struggle for national unity must begin by understanding the aspects of the particular contradiction existing between two contending forces within the neo-colony, and how these forces in unity and struggle - dialectically - attract and repel one another politically, and determine the basis of this relationship with the oppressed New Afrikan people in building and sustaining their aspiration to fight for independence. Here it can be said that the struggle must commence by drawing a line of demarcation between programs and objectives of the two forces in relation to the oppressed-New Afrikan masses.
This line of demarcation must be forged through ideological and political struggle, as well as socioeconomic programs addressing the concrete realities of the oppressed disenfranchisement. Where the forces of integration fights for civil rights, the forces for separation must fight for civil rights as the minimum objectives to attain within the process of building towards complete emancipation. In so doing, the forces for separation must at times call the forces of integration to do more, to fight harder, to make greater demands on the colonial government (ie., for Black community control) and when they fail to do this, to condemn them for national betrayal, class collaboration and collusion with the enemy government. When such demands are made on the national bourgeoisie, for them to become responsive to the demands being made by the revolutionary forces (especially the working class), they will either have to capitulate and show the oppressed masses their true political nature, as boot licking lackeys, or antagonize the principle contradiction existing between the neo-colony and the colonial government, leading to confrontation. This is the point in which class struggle for national unity broadens and strengthens the capacity for revolutionary forces to organize and mobilize the oppressed New Afrikan masses to support and fight for national liberation.
At this time, the forces of integration (ie., National Bourgeoisie) have for the most part the greater influence over the New Afrikan people, because they are recognized as the official leaders- and speakers of the neo-colony by the colonialist; while the oppressed masses are for the most part politically integrated into- +-he working mechanism (Democratic and Republican Party or building a National Black Independent Political Party and as wage earners) of the system of oppression, and thereby provides the neocolonialist a semblance of legitimacy as representatives. Hence, the purpose of class struggle within the neo-colony is to erode this ideal of legitimacy the neo-colonialist wields, expose their relationship as its exists. To expose the means and method in which the colonial government maintains control over the oppressed New Afrikan Nation, by causing the contradiction between the neocolonial integrationist and the colonialist to become antagonistic.
The mementos of the class struggle for national unity is for revolutionary nationalist forces to build support of the independence movement by discrediting the prospects of integration into this capitalist system. Class divisions within the structural foundation of capitalism determines the essential basis by which the particular contradiction rests, which in and of itself indicates integration in this system would be to perpetuate class division and exploitation of the neo-colony. Thus, class struggle for national unity also holds the principle contradiction, whereby to end class divisions within the neo-colony would be to end the means and method of control and national oppression the neo-colony suffers by the system of capitalist colonial imperialism.
The class struggle will inevitably cause a contradiction to arise amongst the neo-colonialist and their supporters, and it will heighten political consciousness and combativeness amongst all classes within the neo-colony. The various segments of the middle class will split for and against the course of development between the national bourgeoisie of the neo-colony, and the revolutionary nationalist working class as epitomized by the forces for separation. The working class will gain a better understanding of the political determination of the movement, gaining a class consciousness that will re-enforce their nationalist fervor. The lumpen-proletariat subculture will also gain a class consciousness in which they will come to understand that their survival and development will be based on the fulfillment of the revolutionary nationalist direction of the independence movement. In this way, natiopal unity can be attained and evolve to a level where a greater number of the oppressed New Afrikan people will support the endeavors of the forces for separation and become staunch supporters of the independence movement.
It must also be stated, during the course of the class struggle for national unity, the enemy government will seek to preserve the legitimacy-of the neo-colonialist. They will afford them greater amount of visibility in the media, become more politically friendly, giving larger concessions and authority to command the mode and direction of the struggle. This is why it is so important that revolutionary nationalist forces make their programs for Black community control known amongst the New Afrikan people (especially the working class). They must diligently, relentlessly and vigorously challenge the national bourgeoisie civil rights program as minimum demands, and insufficient to the needs of the New Afrikan Nation.
At first, the class struggle may appear to be divisive, but only until lines of demarcation have been drawn between two contending forces and directions in the neo-colony struggle for self -determination and independence. Thereby, class struggle for national unity becomes an essential part of the liberation movement -- a fight for Black community control; a part in which the particularities of the contradiction of class divisions within the neo-colony becomes a motivating factor by which the principle contradiction between the neo-colony and the colonial government becomes acute and antagonistic; and separation/ independence become the ultimate goal to attain in a revolutionary nationalist struggle between the nationally oppressed and the national oppressor.
Second-Phase - NATIONAL UNITY FOR SELF GOVERNMENT
Within the development of the first phase, lies the seed of the second phase, the phase whereby national unity has been attained for the ideals of the independence movement. It then becomes possible to challenge the colonial government with a single national program to concretize our immediate demands as expressed during the first phase in terms of civil and human rights. The concrete social and political struggle of New Afrikan peoples' fight for self-determination is characterized in economic and political terms of self-government.
Hence, it can be established that the first phase is one in which the revolutionary nationalist forces fight to win the oppressed New Afrikan masses to support Black community control in the independence movement. The programs and struggle for civil and human rights are tactical initiatives to build and sustain the movement on the socioeconomic level, while ideological and politically the class struggle evolves political class consciousness on a national level to the ideals of separation and self-government.
Thereby, the New Afrikan Nation has become educated and organized into a national liberation front, an united -front in national unity, and in the second phase, they are mobilized for self-determination and self-government. Our national unity is decisive, it is our strength and foundation for the future, and our fight for self-government is prerequisite to total and complete independence. Encompassing this theory for emancipation, is the objective and concrete realities of the fight for civil and human rights as expressed in the first phase. It is manifested, the fertilization of the seed for independence as planted in the first phase - class struggle for national unity - is then cultivated in the second phase - national unity for self-government - and will be harvested in the last phase.
The political programs of Frolinan in national unity for self government is to concretize the struggle for independence. To demand control of the socioeconomic and political institutions in the ghettos/barrios of the urban and rural areas where New Afrikan people comprise the majority, independent of the federal colonial (U.S.A.) government control. To strengthen and intensify the political struggle between the nationally oppressed and the national oppressor; and socioeconomically consolidate the prospects for national independence, is the basic condition by which the movement will evolve qualitatively in both the national and international political arena. This leads to the principle contradiction of two antagonistic contending political forces and national wills. Whereby the demand and struggle for complete control of institutions, resources and the wealth of the oppressed nation will be the character of the second phase. It then becomes essential at this phase to call for the assistance of Frolinan international supporters, to support and assist in the socioeconomic and political objectives in building New Afrikan communities independent of the colonial government. But at the same time, it will be incumbent of the colonial (U.S.A.) government to preserve a practical relationship with the New Afrikan Nation, a relationship of economic and political co-existence and interdependence. Hence, the dialectics of unity and struggle of opposites in the principle contradiction, between two contending forces and nationals.
Thus, this second phase as a prerequisite to national independence is one in which the New Afrikan Nation begins to formulate the means and method of self -government in the geographical areas where New Afrikans constitute the majority; to control and direct the resources, labor, institutions and wealth which determines the extent of their livelihood. The demands of civil and human rights as applicable to these social, political, and economic conditions, will serve to preserve the growth and development of the liberation movement, as New Afrikans become self-determinative in manifesting their future on all fronts. The federal colonial government will be called upon to relinquish taxation on New Afrikans, so that this tax money will be redistributed in accordance to the needs of the New Afrikan Nation communities, and for the establishment of the New Afrikan sovereignty: it will also be called for the building of the New Afrikan security force/military; for the construction of New Afrikan industries in the national territory of Kush, building a national economic system to support the autonomous regions (New Afrikan communities) across the country and developing economic ties internationally; to demand the release of New Afrikan prisoners to support the building of the New Afrikan Nation in both the rural and urban areas; to organize a national plebiscite and vote for independence, to be monitored by the United Nations and the organization of Afrikan Unity; to demand reparations for slave labor of over 400 years and damages for colonial exploitation and domination at a cost of $500 million at 6% semi-annual interest, since 1865 to the present. These and other aspects of Frolinan's national political program will become the predominate objective to raise in confrontation with the colonial government in national unity for self-government.
In this way, the New Afrikan people will consolidate their national aspirations to be independent of racist national oppression and capitalist-imperialist exploitation. While the first phase is to win the minds of Now Afrikan people in national unity -to the concept of Black community control, and an end to class divisions and neo-colonialism; the second phase is to mobilize the body of Now Afrikans to become self -determinative, self-governed, and bring an end to colonial domination toward the ultimate goal of national independence.
Third Phase - SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE:
Where the first two phases were for building the movement and consolidating it - where New Afrikan people comprise the majority geographically - establishing a national political consciousness, socioeconomic and cultural development for national independence. The third phase, golf-Government for National independence, is to fight for the national territory of Kush, to win the war and free the land.
It can be easily determined based on this proposition, the third phase depends much on the success of the first two phases. Once Frolinan has established a revolutionary nationalist social consciousness amongst the oppressed masses to want and fight for control of the Black community, and further consolidate this social and political consciousness toward self-government; the prospects of substantiating the ultimate goal of national independence becomes more realistic and plausible in the overall scheme of this undertaking. Each step is a tactical initiative within a national strategy, each tactical initiative being strategically developed to formulate the necessary socioeconomic, political and cultural ingredients into a national program in which the various segments of the independence movement can fulfill.
The third phase, is the final stage - to mobilize the entire nation to free the land - employing all the resources available to the movement in challenging the colonial government for complete independence. To recover the territory the oppressed nation once occupied and controlled by its labor and ownership of land, granted by the government when it first freed New Afrikans from chattel slavery in 1863. This is the phase in which the national aspirations of New Afrikans, as determined through the course of the struggle, will be called to task to wrestle the national territory from the colonial government. The mobilization of New Afrikans will be in national demonstrations, and strangling the economic development of the colonial government, as well as intensifying the guerrilla war in both urban and rural areas, gaining international support on the specific objectives of national independence.
This is a time when the call will be made for mass migration to Kush and where economic, social, political development will concentrate in the national territory. The transferring of economic, political resources and finances from out of the autonomous regions to the national territory will create a social, economic and political upheaval for the colonial government, greater than the struggles created in the first two phases. it will cause a major shift in the relationship of the autonomous regions with the colonial government in each area, diffusing and disrupting what may have been tentatively secured economic and political areas of co-existence between the colonial government and New Afrikan communities (or Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika and Frolinan).
Of course, this fight Kush cannot be fully developed until the course of the struggle 'for self-government has evolved the mechanisms and institutions for governmental organization of national magnitude with international recognition: providing the essential tasks of a government in all socioeconomic and political fronts, such as in agriculture, industries (for food and employment), for national security, etc. It cannot be expected of New Afrikans to sacrifice beyond the exercise and expectations of a government to provide stable livelihood for its nationals. Hence, the reasons for the first two phases, in which'New Afrikans will be organized in national unity and self-government, utilizing the skills and resources within the oppressed nation, establishing a national social consciousness and political determination for the inevitable fight to free the land. Thereby, the first two phases, lines-up the social, economic and political aspects of the struggle in a strategic position to challenge the colonial government weaknesses. In so doing, Frolinan will establish the criteria by which the sacrifices for the fight for national independence will be minimized. To maximize the prospects of securing a liberated New Afrikan government in the national territory, having the government of New Afrika function with as much efficiency possible arising out of the national liberation struggle.
Thus, self-government for national independence, the third phase of this theory -strategically - is the phase in which all others work to accomplish. The point in the national liberation struggle where New Afrikans are in a position of strength beyond the capacity of the colonial government to destroy the independence movement. The seed of independence planted in the first phase and cultivated in the second phase, will have blossomed in the third phase, the phase in which national independence will become an accomplished reality.
In conclusion, this theoretical proposition determines the need of the national liberation struggle, by first recognizing and organizing the New Afrikan Nation on the ideal of national independence, by having our talented, skilled and educated return to the Black communities; for them to live, work and build the political and social movement in the Black community under the guiding principles of class struggle for national unity; and further develop a political and socioeconomic foundation toward self-sufficiency and self-reliance amongst New Afrikan people on the principle of national unity for self-government.
This course of struggle will assure the independence movement will not become subjugated to the class struggle of Euro-Americans. Frolinan will not hold the class and national struggle of New Afrikans in abeyance or subject to the class struggle of EuroAmericans. Frolinan maintain the New Afrikan Independence Movement is independent of and held in juxtaposition to the class struggle of Euro-Americans. Thereby, the fulfillment of this proposition does not negate a relationship with the class struggle of EuroAmericans, but rather base such a relationship on the political determination of the New Afrikan Independence Movement and not in reverse. Furthermore, Frolinan holds that building the national liberation struggle is to free New Afrikane sociopsychologically, socioeconomically, politically and culturally from neo-colonialism as a particular aspect of the principle struggle to end colonial domination. The course of the struggle, self-government for national independence is to free the land - the national territory of Kush.
This theoretical proposition is not all encompassing addressing the current direction and sectarian condition of the national liberation struggle as it exists at this time. What is elucidated herein, is the position of Frolinan to provide a motivating factor in which to play down sectarianism and heighten the prospect of united action amongst the many revolutionary nationalist organizations across the country. Such united actions that will embrace the New Afrikan Nation in national unity toward the objective goal of self-government as prerequisite to national independence. Therefore, it is Frolinan's position,- this theoretical proposition attaches to the national liberation movement a concept for the development of a national strategy. A national strategy which all authentic revolutionary nationalist organizations must embrace and fulfill under the auspices of Frolinan in unity and struggle. It is this concept for the development of a national liberation strategy which will build, strengthen and fortify the national liberation struggle. Based on the revolutionary principle that without a revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. Here rests the theoretical proposition to build and sustain a revolutionary movement - the New Afrikan Independence Movement.
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NATIONAL-STRATEGY BASIC AIM AND OBJECTIVES
PROGRAM FOR DECOLONIZATION
The national strategy basic aim and objectives are to establish a Program for Decolonization that encompass the strategic and tactical goals of the New Afrikan Independence Movement. It is within- the development of a Program for Decolonization that national liberation will be accomplished. The Program for Decolonization must afford a tactical initiative attacking the social, political, economic and cultural manifestation of disenfranchisement New Afrikans suffers as a neo-colony; and seek the means to rid New Afrikans of this condition of oppression strategically leading to national independence.
The Program of Decolonization is a program for national liberation and a strategy in the independence movement to be fulfilled tactically by the various members of Frolinan, and New Afrikan revolutionary nationalists across the country.
We therefore call for the establishment of several national organizations to be constructed under the auspices of Frolinan:
National Union of New Afrikan Workers:
The National Union of New Afrikan Workers (NUNAW) is a national network of New Afrikan political activists in urban and rural areas, who function on the organizing principle of Frolinan in the work place (industries, companies, manufacturers, office workers, etc.). Their primary goal and objective is to raise the political consciousness of New Afrikan Workers of the socioeconomic condition inherent in the system of monopoly-capitalism. In so doing, to organize New Afrikan workers into labor federations who will call for the implementation of Frolinan's Program for Decolonization at the work place.
It will be the responsibility of NUNAW to address the problems of affirmative action in the work place, to call for owners of the means of production to relinquish profits for the development of New Afrikan communities, and have them not engage -in economic ventures in South Afrika and other reactionary Afrikan countries. To further establish a national body of workers in an union formation to fortify the political thrust of the independence movement in the economic sphere. On the rural front, NUNAW will be responsible to organize agrarian collectives, co-ops, and the establishment of rural industries.
Eventually, it will be the responsibility of NUNAW to develop a national economic system as. a foundation for the liberated national territory of Kush and the establishment of the New Afrikan Nation. Hence, NUNAW is the backbone of the independence movement in building and strengthening the class struggle for national unity, by organizing the Black proletariat under the auspices of Frolinan's Program for Decolonization.
Furthermore, because of the role NUNAW will play in support of New Afrikan workers, it has the potential to become the most powerful sector within the New Afrikan communities across the country. As New Afrikans are victims of inequality in the economic system of monopoly- capitalism, they have often organized separately on the job to advance their interests and protect their rights. New Afrikan workers in general,. and those who are employed by multi-national corporations in particular, should be organized around demands that more jobs be made available to our People by cutting back in the use of cheap labor abroad. New Afrikan workers should be organized against state and federal government sanctions allowing multi-national corporations to hire foreign workers aboard at less than the national minimum wage required by state and federal law in the U.S. There should be a minimum wage hiring act that applies to all U.S. owned business and corporations and that applies to all employees on their payroll regardless of territory.
These aims can be furthered through the following demands:
1. Call for rank and file democratic control of the unions currently in existence and for the elimination of all racial practices in the labor movement. Equal rights for all New Afrikan workers.
2. Call for preferential hiring and advancement of New Afrikan workers and free access to apprentice training programs, the skilled trades and higher paying supervisory posts in affirmative action.
3. Call for an escalator clause in all union contracts to assure automatic wage adjustment to keep up with the rising cost of living (inflation/recession).
4. Call for a shorter work week at standard living wages allowing the means for unemployed to gain employment preserving the need of productivity.
5. Call for speedier grievance procedures and safety inspection with no restrictions on the right to strike.
6. Call for the complete independence of unions from government interference. Repeal of all anti-labor laws. End prisoners slavery and uphold their right to unionize.
7. Call for the establishment of a national import quota on products made by foreign corporations outside the U.S. territory, a balance in import/export trade.
8. Call for workers control of industry through factory committees elected by the workers on the job.
9. Call for big business taxes subsidize New Afrikan community projects, ie., health clinic, child day care centers, drug rehabilitation programs, prisoners parole training programs, senior citizen care programs, etc.
10. For multi-national corporations in conjunction with the U.S. government to give reparations to the New Afrikan Nation by subsidizing industrial construction and agricultural development in the New Afrikan Nation.
These democratic demands within the Program for Decolonization builds the foundation in which Frolinan political activists can organize New Afrikan workers in NUNAW, and have NUNAW become a motivating factor in building the class struggle for national unity in the independence movement.
National Alliance of Now Afrikan Students:
The National Alliance of New Afrikan Students (NANAS) is a national network of New Afrikan student groups and activists functioning under the auspices of Frolinan's Program for Decolonization. It will be the responsibility of NANAS to formulate a national direction on school campuses across the country, to support the development of the New Afrikan Independence Movement. To have New Afrikan history programs established, taught and maintained by professionals who are in support of the independence movement. To also have New Afrikan students to become more aware of their responsibility in the independence movement, by organizing tutoring courses in high school and building liberation schools in the ghetto/barrio. It is important that New Afrikan students know they are the future of the independence movement and essentially are the principle leaders of the movement. With this understanding, they will be able to apply themselves in education and in other extracurricular activity to the well being of the movement and the security of the Nation. Students must recognize that their education is not solely for individual gain and pleasure, but rather, for the building of minds to serve the movement and the Nation. They must become politically aware of their relationship to the Nation, and it is the responsibility of NANAS to assure New Afrikan students are organized in support of Frolinan's Program for Decolonization. This program dealing in the area of education will allow NANAS to become the motivating factor in assuring its development and success. The following are NANAS program:
1. Election of community control boards to supervise schools in the New Afrikan community.
2. Establish an educational system and curriculum which meets the needs of New Afrikan children, prepares them for the future in economic and technical skills, and technical security of the New Afrikan Nation. And gives them a knowledge of themselves and an understanding of the true history and culture of Afrikan people.
3. To involve parents in every phase of school life as part of the development of community involvement in the political life of the independence movement.
4. Under the direction of Frolinan to support a program to train Black academicians, historians (so-called) intellectuals, and administrators in the principle and policy of class and national liberation struggle, and the objective of community control of the education system.
5. To support Frolinan's position that community groups should be entitled to use school facilities to promote activities for the benefit of the community and the independence movement.
6. In support of Frolinan's direction, to call for the dismissal of all school officials who victimize or insult students on racial grounds, or are found to be directly in cahoots with the colonial government efforts to suppress Frolinan's education Program for Decolonization.
7. Support the establishment of community liberation schools to introduce special tutoring programs for all students who have fallen behind in their studies; to offer a full program of adult education; and teach the political motives and direction of the New Afrikan Independence Movement, the prospect of a national social democratic society.
For High School Students:
1. Establishing student policy-making boards to run student activities in the high schools, handle disciplinary problems and participate in the general supervision of the schools.
2. To hold regular school assemblies to discuss school-problems and ascertain the will of the student body in conjunction with the independence movement.
3. Maintain the rights of all students and teachers. These include the freedom of expression, freedom to organize, to pass out literature, freedom from censorship of school newspaper, freedom of assembly and the right to invite outside speakers regardless of their political views.
4. End disciplinary expulsions and suspensions, if their is a problem with a particular student, it must be brought to the policy making board, for them to deal with the problem - without having the student lose in education.
5. Special tutoring for all students who fall behind in their studies, and for the development of a study program teaching New Afrikan history and the real nature of monopoly-capitalism, colonialism, and imperialism. To further upgrade job training programs and adequate preparation for all students to attend college.
In this aspect of the Program for Decolonization, NANAS will be able to organize students on both the high school and college levels, working in conjunction with one another in support of Frolinan's political program. In this way, the political development of the independence movement becomes a total part of the education process of students, each working for the benefit of the other for as long as New Afrikan students must attend schools controlled by the colonial government. The primary objective is to control the schools in the ghetto/barrios and within the development of the class struggle for national unity, to have New Afrikan educators become responsible to the needs and development of the independence movement. It is in the process of freeing our minds of cultural imperialism that our oppressed nation will be able to free ourselves from national oppression and colonial domination.
The building of NANAS will be the forging of a youth movement on school campuses under the auspices of Frolinan. This youth movement will have a practical program to develop directly in relation to education and the political development of Frolinan. Hence, NANAS is the spirit of the independence movement, New Afrikan youth organized in a national network of groups and activists to establish Frolinan's Program for Decolonization in the heart of the New Afrikan community, strengthening the foundation of the New Afrikan Nation.
[Note: Due to a problem with the original document from which this text was transferred, a section of the text is unfortunately lost here, as indicated by ** at the beginning of the short lines just below. My apologies. There are ongoing efforts to locate an errata notation or another, undamaged copy of the text. If any such thing is ever found, this problem will be corrected.
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New Afrikan Independence Academy:
The building of New Afrikan Independence Academy (NAIA) is the essential tool in which Frolinan broadens its organizing ability in the New Afrikan community. The New Afrikan Independence Academy is the needed liberation schools established for the purpose of teaching and training New Afrikan youth, adults and members of Frolinan in the political direction of the independence movement! These liberation schools will be organized in a national network by New Afrikan members of NANAS, NUNAW, political educators and activist in support of the independence movement. It is Frolinan's position that the New Afrikan community should have universities which are in support of New Afrikan independence struggle and against national oppression, cultural imperialism and colonialism; where such universities do not exist, the New Afrikan Independence Academy will serve this purpose.
These academies will be education centers, established in urban and rural communities to forge education in Afrikan history, political and social science, economics, business and organization administration, and technical training conducive to the preservation of the independence movement. The curriculum of the academy will be divided to serve youth and adult education, especially developed to evolve leadership quality amongst New Afrikans and fulfill the needs of the national program and strategyof Frolinan. The New Afrikan Independence Academy will be established by a national education board consisting of progressive
**academicians, historians, intellectuals, Frolinan political
**and students, who will be responsible to develop a
**curriculum instituted in all academies across the country.
[national?]**curriculum will serve to assure those involved in the
**nce movement understand the ideals and practice of the
**n a single or similar viewpoint, which also assists the
**ainst sectarianism and narrow nationalism that retards
**nd development of the liberation struggle.
Panther Youth Corps:
The Panther Youth Corps (PYC) is Frolinan's pre-teen and young adult youth organization whose primary activity in to learn the foundation in which the independence movement is being organized; similar to PLO's Fedayeen youths-Simba, the PYC will serve to develop the young minds of our oppressed nation of the ideals, principles, concepts and fortitude of nationhood.
In the course of the liberation movement, the most courageous brother and sisters that has yet to organize the New Afrikan community, had been those of the Black Panther Party. This history must not be forgotten, but rather maintained in a principled and dialectical fashion that will preserve that spirit of resistance in the liberation movement. Thusly, Frolinan will use the name Panther as the foundation in which the spirit of resistance will be taught to your young. They will become young Panthers progressively forging this determination of our history of struggle towards the finer and better modes of struggle embodied in the socioeconomic and political program of Frolinan.
The PYC will also serve the aspirations of the elementary grade school children in conjunction with NANAS in establishing a national curriculum condusive to their education and development. An essential part of their activity will be field trips to sites of noted interest to New Afrikans, community recreation activity, history classes and other programs to strengthen their impressionable young minds in disciplined understanding of their responsibility and place in the oppressed New Afrikan Nation.
New Afrikan Children Center:
The New Afrikan Children Center (NACC) are child day care centers established by Frolinan and operated by members of the oppressed New Afrikan community and Frolinan organizers. These day care centers will operate to serve the needs of working parents and political activist who need someone to look after their children, while they are out securing a livelihood and/or fulfilling the political objectives of the independence movement.
These centers depending on location, will also serve free breakfast for school children in the neighborhood, and generally be supportive of the development of the community in respects to the growth of children in conjunction with the PYC and other student related programs. Although, the New Afrikan Children Center-will mostly be responsible for children from the age of one to five years of age, these children will be taught basic skills and practices that will enhance their intelligence aptitude and understanding of the world around them.
It is in the development of the New Afrikan Children Center's that will further the building of Frolinan and forge its program in the heart of the New Afrikan community, fulfilling a need and concern that effects most families. Whereby, having the community support the centers, would be to have New Afrikan families support the political motivation by which Frolinan seeks to build the independence movement.
New Afrikan Community Health Clinic:
The New Afrikan Community Health Clinic (NACHC) are institutions established in the New Afrikan community for which preventive medicine will be the primary method of operation. These clinics will serve the New Afrikan community in regards to dentistry, abortion, drug rehabilitation, rape crisis, acupuncture, hypertension, stress and other forms of physical and mental complications New Afrikans suffers and find common in their communities. It will also be the responsibility of the health clinics to formulate Sickle Cell Anemia research and HIV-AIDS prevention programs as a central health awareness campaign in the New Afrikan community, in conjunction with the overall political program of Frolinan.
These New Afrikan Community Health Clinics are essential tools by which Frolinan serves a particular interest in the community, and as part of the campaign to combat genocides in health care New Afrikans suffers across the country. It is Frolinan0s position, we as a nation, have responsible trained professional doctors and medics to fill the various positions that these clinics will serve. Upon the development of the class struggle for national unity, these medical professionals will be organized to serve the needs of New Afrikan people and the independence movement. Thus, the establishment of NACHC is a necessary part of Frolinan's organizing platform, building its program for the survival and inevitable liberation of the New Afrikan Nation.
New Afrikan Food Co-Op Program:
The New Afrikan Food Co-op Program (NAFCOP) is a Frolinan project to organize members of the New Afrikan community to unite in cooperative economic planning in securing wholesale produce and food stuff. With the development of food co-ops and the socioeconomic interaction of members of the community, the community will formulate working relationships for the improvement of the entire group. This also is the basic means in which Frolinan educate New Afrikans of the ideals of community responsibility, development and survival during the course of the independence movement. Efforts will be made to develop farming cooperatives, whereby, agriculture will be used in the supplying of food co-ops in urban areas. The establishment of food co-op networks across the country for the distribution of foods, will ensure the growth and development of Frolinan's national program and strategy.
These food co-ops will strengthen the political determination of the need to free the land as an essential and recognize objective, as New Afrikans will understand the need for us to feed ourselves. The food co-ops will become a practical organizing tool both politically and organizationally,, a central foundation to serve other aspects of Frolinan's national strategy, such as the free breakfast program for school children. It is when New Afrikan Food Co-op Markets are established, comprising hundreds of community co-op groups throughout the New Afrikans community, will Frolinan be able to gauge the strength of its political determination in organizing New Afrikans under the auspices of its national program towards self-government and independence.
The New Afrikan Community Alert Patrol:
The New Afrikan Community Alert Patrol (NACAP) will become a network of New Afrikan men and woman organized for the defense of the New Afrikan community. It will establish security patrols against vigilantes, killer cops, racists, and black on black crime. These Now Afrikans will be trained in police tactics and codes to protect the New Afrikan community in patrols as security guards. They will compile information and intelligence of high crime areas that are frequented by outsiders; they will be responsible for the protection of our senior citizens and youth, an well as, various political programs, demonstrations, etc. Members of NACAP will be trained in martial arts, weapons, drilling, police science, crowd control and military science encompassing guerrilla warfare.
One of the primary objectives of Frolinan's political program is to have the colonial government occupation army (police) Destiny from the New Afrikan community. But in order to gain the support of New Afrikans in this endeavor, it is essential that community residences feel safe and confident. The folks in the community must believe their lives will not be in any greater danger once the occupying army in forced to Destiny from the community. It is important that the community understand the police, occupies our territory primarily to protect the property of the capitalists, who for the most part do not live in our communities. Frolinan's call for community control and selfgovernment will become a motivating factor by which the establishment of NACAP is an essential part.
It must also be put forth, that drugs and black on black crime is a problem that causes the occupying (police) army to be called and stay in and around the New Afrikan community. It is with the liquidation of the distribution, selling and consumption of drugs and black on black crime; and when New Afrikans becomes responsible to each other in respects to the independence movement, the community will be organized in its highest operative development. Eventually, NACAP will be organized into a peoples' militia to serve the development of the armed struggle for national liberation. These community alert patrols will be the means in which members of the New Afrikan community will gain experience in working in a disciplined security conscious apparatus. They will gain with the high ideals and responsibility of protecting the New Afrikan community.
New Afrikan P.O.W. Assistance Program:
The New Afrikan P.O.W. Assistance Program (NAPOWAP) will be developed to assure that Now Afrikan captives are assisted in their efforts to be released from prison. Such assistance will be formulated in legal support in defense of our captured; pre-release programs for those about to be release on parole or discharged; political assistance in building programs and campaigns of national impact concerning the prison movement; and when possible, financial aid for the family of captives. In the past, the Prison movement has lead significant political support to the general independence movement. Many of those captured had been principle leaders in the movement on the streets. Where they might be able to continue to give leadership and enhance the development of the independence movement, it will be the responsibility of NAPOWAP to ensure they are provided the essential assistance in mutual regards to the independence movement, and Frolinan's Program for Decolonization. Emphasis will be given to the development of national campaigns for amnesty and/or exchange of political prisoners of war; the ending of prison slavery and repeal of the 13th Amendment of the U.S. constitution as it upholds prison slavery; call for the unionization of prisoners labor and minimum wage remuneration for their labor; call for the release of New Afrikans prisoners nationally, for them to return to the national territory of Kush and support the agricultural development of the New Afrikan Nation; for the immediate end of the death penalty; and release of New Afrikans in military prisons. All of which is part of the Program for Decolonization and Ten Point Program.
National Oragnization of New Afrikan Women:
The National Organization of New Afrikan Women (NONAW) will become a national network of New Afrikan women organized under the auspices of Frolinan's political direction. The express purpose of NONAW will be to fulfill the Program for Decolonization, and the problems effecting New Afrikan women in general. We do not separate the problems effecting New Afrikan Women from the major problem confronting the oppressed nation. We must differentiate the problem besetting New Afrikan women from those expressed by women of the oppressor nation and their movement. It is important that New Afrikan women recognize that their responsibility in the New Afrikan Independence Movement, is wholly encompassing their liberation from sex discrimination, which is an essential aspect of colonial oppression. Once this understand is re-enforced in the political matrix of the independence movement, New Afrikan women will take leadership roles and responsibility in the independence movement.
Furthermore, Frolinan hold dearly to the ideal that our women are the backbone of the New Afrikan Nation. They nurture our young providing them with wisdom of life, and further secure a household and family, the very fabric of the nation. It is the women of the New Afrikan Nation, and their staunch support and participation in the various Programs for Decolonization, will ensure the independence movement is victorious. In their support of the Programs for Decolonization, they will become liberated by working for the liberation of the nation. They will establish the basis for unity and equality among gender roles while working in their responsibility towards the oppressed nation.
We hold that our women can become fighters for independence at what ever level of the struggle they wish to attend or are needed. We also maintain that the establishment of secure family households is the foundation in which women are most needed. We hold to this position, because over the years and due to slavery and vestiges of colonialism, the New Afrikan household has become disunited and fractionalized. Historically, it has been the women who has held what family structure we now have together. It is most necessary that this development does not erode, but rather become stable and grow -stronger, as families become apart of the independence movement.
In this regards, particular ideological and social questions need to be address by our women, such as the ideal of polygamy, monogamy, and the effects of homosexuality; how to combat prostitution; the building of viable education institutions and develop positive images for our children in our communities; the establishment of health and day care centers, rape crisis and sterilization/abortion centers, etc. These are issues of social and political significance that has particular effects on women, and affects our oppressed nation. We therefore call upon our women to lead the fight against these social and political problems, that has disastrous effects on our family structures in particular, and the social morass of the New Afrikan nation in general. These and other areas of concern embodied in the Program for Decolonization women will take leadership responsibility, encompassing the struggle in the home, in the community,, at the work place and within the political development of the New Afrikan Independence Movement.
These ten organizational programs are the essential determinations by which Frolinan will build its Program for Decolonization, establishing a national strategy within the New Afrikan Independence Movement. The emphasis is placed on organizing New Afrikans, and in doing so, educating them on the ideals of independence. To build towards national liberation by employing the Three Phase Theory for National Independence, and the manifestation of the Program for Decolonization. It is with the fulfillment of the Three Phase Theory, in conjunction with the Program for Decolonization, that Frolinan will build the New Afrikan Independence Movement. Each organizational program compliments the other, broadening the prospects for unified and even development across the country.
While these organizational programs are of socioeconomic and political significance of strategic magnitude, there are tactical political issues that needs to be addressed. For instance, the question of voter registration; when and where time and energy may be exerted to register New Afrikans to-vote. This issue must be considered in respects to electing politicians within the framework of the colonial government.
It is held within our theoretical outlook that those who work within the structure of the colonial (U.S.A.) government do not necessarily work in the interest of the independence movement. For the most part, elected officials comprise those New Afrikans who are in actuality neo-colonialist bourgeois agents. It then becomes a matter of principle in organizational and political development to engage or not to engage in voter registration and the electing of New Afrikans to function in the colonial (U.S.A.) government. The principle involved is one of not compromising our theoretical and political understanding of the nature of our national oppression. In this regards, we hold that where voter registration for the election of New Afrikans may have short range tactical significance, strategically, it is of no value. It is the strategic development of the New Afrikan Independence Movement we are concerned with foremost. Therefore, Frolinan will not seek to elect political candidates for office within the colonial government. It is our position the colonial government can do nothing other than relinquish our demands for national independence to relieve our condition of national oppression and colonial domination. If a political party within the New Afrikan Independence Movement seeks to have a member of their organization elected to a position within the colonial government; we will give critical support to then when it can be assured their aspirations does not conflict with the interest of the independence movement.
The only exception to this position is when voting for positions or direction within the independence movement and the development of the struggle for community control. In this respect, it is important that New Afrikans takes part in the development of the movement, such as a plebiscite vote, or voting for supervisors to maintain control of the schools, the health institutions and police in our communities. Many of these political electoral positions are relative to forging social and political consciousness, towards substantiating the building of the independence movement under the auspices of the Front for the Liberation of the New Afrikan Nation.
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FROLINAN Ten Point Platform:
1. We want National Independence and the power to determine the destiny of the New Afrikan Nation. We believe that New Afrikans will not be free or able to determine their own destiny until they have end neo-colonial and capitalist-imperialist domination. It hereby becomes essential that our struggle commences with the fight for Black community control, a fight that will be the first step towards self-government, which is prerequisite to national independence.
2. We want full employment of our people. We believe that the federal government and this system of monopoly-capitalism is responsible for the abject poverty and the basis f or unemployment existing in the New Afrikan community. This provides the basis for underdevelopment in the New Afrikan community, giving rise to socioeconomic and political disenfranchisement of New Afrikans. Thereby, the fight for Black community control encompasses a fight for community development in which the federal government and multi-national corporation provide economic incentive to produce jobs in the New Afrikan community. This is the major formulation revolutionary nationalist are to establish a relations with the colonial (U.S.A.) government, to assure federal funds are allocated to the New Afrikan community for constructive development and jobs.
3. We want the end of capitalist exploitation of the New Afrikan community, national liberation of the national territory of Kush, and reparations for over four hundred years of national oppression. we demand all tax money expropriation from New Afrikan people be appropriated for the development in national territory of Kush.
4. We want decent housing and control of the land in which New Afrikans reside. In the past the landlord who owned the property of Now Afrikan residences, usually live outside the community, and did not care for the land and housing dwelling. Based upon that experience and the struggle for Black community control and self -government, we demand ownership of the property in which we reside, to- be developed in cooperatives and communal central.
5. We want education for our people that not exposes the true nature of monopoly-capitalism and imperialism, but also provides the historical foundation in which our cultural development is based in this country, in relation to other people of color throughout the world; such an education that provides our youth with the essential skills and incentive to become apart of the independence movement. As we demand control of the community in which we reside, the development of academic institutions becomes a fundamental part of the security of the independence movement, to build leaders for the future, in preserving the prospects for selfdetermination. Hence, education is to evolve understanding of the development of the struggle for self-determination, but also the historical and practical academic foundation in which the New Afrikan Nation is to preserve its destiny.
6. We want all New Afrikans to be exempt of military service in the colonial (U.S.A.) government as it is our position that all wars by the colonial government are wars of aggression for the colonial domination and imperialist exploitation of lesser developed nations/countries; and other people of color victimized by the same forces of racism and capitalist exploitation New Afrikans are currently under subjugation. -we demand exemption from military service in the colonial government and call for the building of a New Afrikan Peoples Liberation Army to fight for and establish the security and well being of New Afrikans.
7. We want an immediate end to police brutality and murder of New Afrikan people. We believe that the police of the colonial (U.S.A.) government acts as an occupation force to maintain control and order for the benefit of the colonial government. That the police motives are not in the basic interest of New Afrikans and their community, but rather, for the interest of the capitalist class who have business and own property in the New Afrikan community. In.the course of establishing Black community control, we call for the immediate Destinyal of the occupation police army from our communities, and for New Afrikans to establish their own security system. We also maintain the right of self-defense against racist police repression -and brutality, to bear arms, and organize selfdefense groups to preserve the security of the New Afrikan community.
8. We want the immediate release of all New Afrikan people held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails. . we believe that the system of national oppression has not provided New Afrikans with fair and impartial trials or hearings, in which the bias and prejudice inherent in the system served to assure their imprisonment. Furthermore, the judicial system in on of the major tools by which the system of oppression uses to stifle the fruition of the national liberation struggle and every aspects in which New Afrikans fight for civil and human rights. it is therefore held that the police, courts and prisons are all apart of the system of oppression and are unable top dispense justice and impartiality towards New Afrikans who might come before them for a trial or hearing. We call for all New Afrikans when brought to trial to be tried by a jury of their peers orpeople from their New Afrikan community, and if found guilty of a charge for them to be sentence to areas of confinement in or near the New Afrikan community. We maintain the colonial (U.S.A.) government has no right to try any New Afrikan for as long as a state of war exist between two nations and colonial domination persists; and that all captive members of NAPLA or the Black underground be recognized as political prisoners of war and afforded Geneva Accord status.
9. We want the right to be free of colonial domination, capitalist exploitation and national oppression. We demand full control of the New Afrikan community where we are a majority, for the express purpose of self-government towards nation independence. We call on the United Nations and the Organization of Afrikan Unity to recognize the existence of a nationally oppressed New Afrikan people and nation in the United States and for them to conduct a national plebiscite for the purpose of a vote of independence, giving recognition to the New Afrikan nation in the western hemisphere.
10. We want the right to migrate to the national territory of Kush and establish an independent nation separate from the colonial (U.S.A.) government of the United States of America. We believe New Afrikans have had enough of over four hundred years of national oppression and are willing to establish their own nation employing the resources and labor inherent in the New Afrikan nation. We claim the five (5) states of the black belt as our national homeland in this country having named the national territory Kush and are bound to liberate this territory in a national liberation struggle; to eventually migrate to the national territory and establish the government of the Republic of New Afrika.
A note on the text and the images: the charter for new Science Temples changed over time in text and appearance, and between branches of the Temple after the Noble Prophet's passing. These images are taken from the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) files, collected when the government was spurriously investigating some Science Temple groups under suspicion of aiding the Japanese during World War Two.
Charter
Moorish Science Temple
of America
To All Whom These Presents May Come,
Greetings,
The Home Office.
By virtue of the authority vested in The Most Holy Prophet, Noble Drew Ali and the Moorish Holy Temple of Science, Inc., by a lawfully granted Charter of the State of Illinois hath granted this
CHARTER
to this branch of the Moorish Holy Temple of Science, at __________ in the County of ___________ and State of ___________ to be styled and known as __________ No. _____ invested with all the powers and privileges of a Subordinate Temple within the jurisdiction of the said Home Office.
Hear Ye!
Jurisdiction aforesaid by virtue of whose authority it exists, while acting in conformity with the laws, rules and regulations of the Home Temple and the said subordinate Temple aforesaid, being duly and lawfully organized, constituted and established, is hereby authorized and empowered to initiate and confer the degrees of said Temple in accordance with the established forms and usages upon all such persons as are duly and lawfully qualified. To promote and practice the teachings of all the true and divine prophets: Jesus, Mohammed, Buddha, Confucius, Etc.
The officers and members who benefit under this charter, do hereby pledge themselves to act at all times in obedience to the commands and edicts of the illustrious Noble Drew Ali, the founder and head of the Moorish Holy Temple of Science, Inc.
The Home office can at any time suspend, revoke or take away this Charter or Warrant of Authority if in the judgement of our Grand Ruler and Prophet Noble Drew Ali, said subordinate Temple has violated any of the principles or rules of the Moorish Holy Temple of Science, Inc.
In Testimony Whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name and affixed the Seal of the said Moorish Holy Temple of Science, Inc.
This ________ day of ________ A.D. 19__ at Chicago, Illinois, County of Cook, State of Illinois, U.S.A.
Attest Noble Drew Ali [affixed are the seals of the incorporation of the Moorish Science Temple and the seal of Prophet Noble Drew Ali.]
link to the text of a Charter founding a Masonic Lodge .
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